您的位置: 首页 > 朝鲜战争 > China Sends Troops to Korea: Beijing’s Policy-Making Process
China Sends Troops to Korea: Beijing’s Policy-Making Process
Google
【字体: 】 【打印本文】 【双击自动滚屏】

[23] Li Haiwen, “zhonggong zhongyang jiujing heshi jueding zhiyuanjun chuguo zuozhan?” (When did the CPC Central Committee decide to send the volunteers to fight abroad?), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), No. 5, 1993, p. 85.

[24] The Chinese Foreign Ministry did not determine on the personnel for China’s embassy in Korea until early July 1950. Chai Chengwen, political counselor and charged affairs and interim at China’s embassy in Pyhongyang, and his part did not leave China for Korea until July 8. Cf. Chai Chengwen and Zhao Yongtian, “Panmunjom tanpan” (Talks at Panmunjom), Beijing, 1989, pp. 24, 36-40.

[25] In the spring of 1950, the Central Military Commission decided to allocate half of the US $ 300 million provided by the Soviet Union to the navy for purchasing equipment. In April of the same year, Zhou Enlai telegrammed Bulganin, Vice-Chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers, saying that China urgently needed ships, planes and shore artillery and asked the Soviet Union to provide them to China in the summer of 1950 or before the spring of 1951 at the latest. Two days before the outbreak of the Korean War, in accordance with the report of the Third Field Army, the Central Military Commission decided to revise the campaign plan again and increase the troops for attacking Taiwan to more than 16 armies. See Zhou Jun, “Xin Zhongguo chuqi renmin jiefangjun weineng suixing Taiwan zhanyi jihua yuanyin chutan” (Tentative exploration of the reasons why the People’s Liberation Army could not carry out the campaign plan for attacking Taiwan soon after the New China was founded), Zhonggong dangshi yanjiu (Research on the history of the Chinese Communist Party), No. 1, 1991, pp. 67-70.

[26] At the time in the three northeastern provinces there was only the 42nd Army, which would be demobilized entirely and was reclaiming land and farming in Heilongjiang Province, the five independent divisions and a public security division in charge of local garrison with less than 200,000 troops, accounting only for one twenty-seventh of the regular troops of China at the time. See Xu Yan, diyici jiaoliang – kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng de lishi huiyi yu fansi (The first trial of strength – historical review and rethinking on the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Beijing, 1990, p. 16.

[27] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1998, pp. 391, 416.

[28] Zhou Jun, “Xin Zhonggguo chuqi renmin jiefangjun weineng suixing Taiwan zhanyi jihua yuanyin chutan” (Tentative exploration of the reasons why the People’s Liberation Army could not carry out the campaign plan for attacking Taiwan soon after the New China was founded), Zhonggong dangshi yanjiu (Research on the history of the Chinese Communist Party), No. 1, 1991, p. 72.

[29] Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1993, No. 6, p. 76.

[30] John Toland, In Mortal Combat, New York, 1991.

[31] Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1993, No. 6, p. 76.

[32] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, p. 428.

[33] Li Haiwen, “Zhonggong zhongyang jiujing heshi jueding zhiyuanjun chuguo zuozhan?” (When did the CPC Central Committee decide to send the volunteers to fight abroad?), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), No. 5, 1993, p. 86. Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jiege zhongda juece de huiyi” (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1993, No. 6, pp. 77-78. Later, because changes took place in the situation, the command institution of the Northeast China Border Defense Army was not established and the troops in the army were directly renamed the Chinese People’s Volunteers.

[34] Bo Yibo, Ruogan zhongda juece yu shijian de huiyi (Review of certain major policy decisions and events), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1991, p. 43.

[35] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, p. 454, 469.

[36] Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi”(Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1993, No. 6, p. 80. Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (xu yi ) (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea) (Sequal 1), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1994, No. 1, p. 24. According to another material, before this Mao Zedong had already said that he was worried that the United States would go by sea to the rear areas of the People’s Army and land. He had also asked Lee Sang-jo to tell Kim Il-sung immediately to formulate measures for preventing U.S. troops from landing. See Sun Baosheng, “Mao Zedong ceng yuyan meijun Keneng zai Inchon denglu” (Mao Zedong predicted that U.S. troops might land in Inchon), Junshi shilin (Military History), 1990, No. 5, p. 13.

[37] Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (xu yi) (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea) (Sequel 1), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1994, No. 1, pp. 24-25.

[38] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1998, p. 485.

[39] Xu Yan, Diyici jiaoliang – kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng de lishi huiyi yu fansi (The first trial of strength – historical review and rethinking on the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Beijing, 1990, p. 86.

[40] Li Haiwen, “Zhonggong zhongyang jiujing heshi jueding zhiyuanjun chuguo zuozhan?” (When did the CPC Central Committee decide to send the volunteers to fight abroad?), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), No. 5, 1993, p. 86.

[41] Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (xu yi ) (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea) (Sequel 1), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1994, No. 1, p. 25.

[42] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, p. 484.

[43] Goncharov, “uncertain Partner: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War.” Stanford, 1993, p. 154.

[44] Ibid., pp. 163, 153.

[45] Cited from the notes the author made when he visited Chai Chengwen in May 1995. After the Korean War, Wu Chong was executed by Kim Il-sung and So Hwi sought political asylum in China.

[46] Chai Chengwen and Zhao Yongtian, “Panmunjom tanpan” (Talks at Panmunjom), Beijing, 1989, p. 79.

[47] Kathryn Weathersby, “The Soviet role in the early phase of the Korean War: New documentary evidence,” The Journal of American-East Asian Relations, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Winter 1993), pp. 448-449, 453-454. The true name of Matveev was Zakharov.

[48] Kathryn Weathersby, “The Soviet role in the early phase of the Korean War: New documentary evidence,” The Journal of American-East Asian Relations, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Winter 1993), pp. 455-456.

[49] Li Haiwen ed., Zai lishi juren shenbian – Shi Zhe huiyilu (With the historical giant – memoirs of Shi Zhe), Beijing, 1991, pp. 492-493.

[50] APRF (The Presidential Archives of Russia), f.45, op.1, d.337, l.67.

[51] Hong Xuezhi, Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng huiyi (Recall of the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Beijing, 1991, pp. 14-15.

[52] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, pp. 538, 539, 540. Manshalov, a Russian sholar, said recently at a seminar in the United States that this telegram made public in China was not found in the Russian archives and another telegram with contents on the contrary was there. This author conducted an investigation, finding that there is indeed this telegram drafted by Mao Zedong and it is kept in the archives in China. This shows at least that at that time Mao Zedong was determined to send troops to Korea. As to the differences between the two telegrams, this author will discuss it in another paper.

[53] Wang Yan, etc., Peng Dehuai zhuan (Biography of Peng Dehuai), Beijing, 1993, p.400.

[54] Ibid., p. 401. Peng Dehuai junshi wenxuan (Military works of Peng Dehuai), Beijing, 1988, p. 321.

[55] Hao Yufan and Zhai Zhihai, “China’s decision to enter the Korean War. History revisited,” China Quarterly, No. 121 (March 1990), p. 105. Ching Yuen, “Hanzhan mimi dang’an de gongkai” (The secret archives on the Korean War revealed), Mingpao Monthly, September 1994, p. 89.

[56] Nie Rongzhen, Nie Rongzhen huiyilu (Memoires of Nie Rongzhen), Beijing, 1982, p. 735.

[57] Wang Yan, ect., Peng Dehuai zhuan (Biography of Peng Dehuai), Beijing, 1993, pp. 401-403.

[58] Xu Yan, Diyici jiaoliang – kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng de lishi huiyi yu fansi (The first trial of strength – historical review and rethinking on the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea), Beijing, 1990, p. 24. Lei Yingfu, “Kangmei yuanchao zhanzheng jige zhongda juece de huiyi” (xu yi) (Recall of several major policy decisions in the war to resist U.S. aggression and aid Korea) (Sequel 1), Dang de wenxian (Party Literature), 1994, No. 1, p. 27.

[59] APRF, f. 45, op.1, d.337, l.67. According to other materials, Stalin explained the serious situation and directly asked China to send troops to aid North Korea. Stalin also said that the Soviet Union would take part in the war directly if the PLA was defeated. Cf. Goncharov, “Uncertain partner: Stalin, Mao and the Korean War,” pp. 174, 339; Hao Yufan and Zhai Zhihai, “China’s decision to enter the Korean War: History revisited,” p. 105.

[60] APRF, f.45, op.1, d.337,l.67.

[61] Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, pp. 543-545.

[62] At a meeting of officers at and above the army commander level held on October 9, 1950, Peng Dehuai especially raised the question of air support. Peng and Gao sent an urgent telegram to Mao Zedong, asking, “When will our army set out to fight abroad? How many fighting planes and bombers can the Central Military Commission send to cover the army? When can the planes start off and who is in charge of them?” Wang Yan, etc., Peng Dehuai zhuan (Biography of Peng Dehuai) ,Beijing, 1993, p. 404. On October 11, Mao Zedong replied Peng’s telegram, “Only the air force cannot start off for the time bejing.” Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s works since the founding of the People’s Republic), Vol. 1, Beijing, 1988, p. 548.

[63] Chen Jian, “China’s road to the Korean War,” p. 177.

[64] Li Haiwen ed., Zai lishi juren shenbian – Shi Zhe huiyilu (With the historical giant – memoirs of Shi Zhe), Beijing, 1991, pp. 495-498.

 

上一页 < 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 > 下一页
2005年09月24日 15:55 浏览
上一篇: 毛泽东、斯大林与朝鲜战争Мао Цзэдун,Сталин и корейская война
下一篇: THE DISCREPANCY BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN AND CHINESE VERSIONS OF MAO'S 2 OCTOBER 1950 MESSAGE TO STALIN ON CHINESE ENTRY INTO THE KOREAN WAR
 
版权申明:除部分特别声明可以转载,或者已经得到本站授权外,请勿转载!

转载要求:转载之图片、文件,链接请不要盗链到本站,且不准打上各自站点的水印,亦不能抹去我站点水印。

特别注意:本站所提供的文章,图片及非本站版权所有的影视资料,如需使用,请与原作者联系,版权归原作者所有。